Despite the growing international importance of Turkey, only a few academic institutions in Europe focus on contemporary Turkish Studies. At the same time, little effort has been made to institutionalize cooperation between relevant actors in the field of Turkish Studies in Europe and Turkey.

The conference aims to fill this gap by bringing together the most important institutions, organizations and individual scholars from Europe and Turkey who are engaged in Turkish Studies. The two-day event will provide an opportunity for an interdisciplinary debate within different fields of research and will allow the participants to build networks for future cooperation.

With this call, we invite scholars to submit papers that discuss key issues in contemporary Turkish Studies in one of four thematic fields:
Political Science, Sociology, History, Cultural Studies.

Conference attendees will be given the chance to present their papers to some of the most renowned experts in the field, to position themselves within the international Turkish Studies research community and to debate related topics and research questions in an interdisciplinary environment. The deadline for applications is June 30, 2012.

Publication
The papers that are accepted will not only be presented during the conference, but may also potentially be published in the Young researcher’s yearbook of contemporary Turkish Studies. The published volume will join others edited by Prof. Dr. Ayhan Kaya and Prof. Dr. Fuat Keyman. Summarizing the outcome of the event, the publication will comprise a snapshot of the current state of contemporary Turkish Studies in Europe from an interdisciplinary perspective.

Invitations for Participants
The organizers invite all researchers with an interest in contemporary Turkish Studies to participate in the conference. The deadline for registration as a participant is August 31, 2012.

Please send your registration, application and any questions you may have by email to:

Mrs. Kristina Kamp, Conference Coordinator
Email: SvenjaKristinaKamp@googlemail.com
Telephone: +90 (0)5370370142
For full details, please visit: http://network-turkey.org/event/contemporary-turkish-studies-at-a-glance/

The Centenary of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913):Contested Stances
Middle East Technical University
Department of International Relations, Ankara-Turkey
Date: 23-24 May 2013

Paper Abstracts/Panel Proposals
A short abstract of an individually proposed paper (no more than 300 words) or a panel of maximum four
proposed papers (either in English or Turkish) should be sent to Mustafa Türkeş, balkconf@metu.edu.tr until 30 April 2012.

For important dates, see the Call for Papers Eng.

Different Facades, Multiple Contributions

By

Süleyman Demirel University

GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

FACULTY OF ECONOMIC AND ADMINISTRATIVE SCIENCES

2–4 May 2012

Hotel Mavi Göl, EĞİRDİR

Speakers:

BAŞAK ALPAN (ODTÜ)

DİDEM BUHARİ GÜLMEZ (Royal Holloway University of London)

CAN BÜYÜKBAY (University of Zurich)

MURAT ALİ DULUPÇU (SDÜ)

SEÇKİN BARIŞ GÜLMEZ (Royal Holloway University of London)

ALPER KALİBER (Yaşar Üniversitesi)

MURAT OKÇU (SDÜ)

BURCU ÖZDEMİR (ODTÜ)

HÜSEYİN ÖZGÜR (Pamukkale Üniversitesi)

KAAN RENDA (King’s College London)

DİĞDEM SOYALTIN (Free University Berlin)

Discussion Topics:

• Narrative Reconstruction of Turkish Foreign Policy during the EU Accession Process
• Discourses on ‘Europe’ in Turkish politics and EU identity
• Automaticity of the relationship between the European and domestic level or power of discourses on ‘Europe’?
• Limits of external Europeanization and the top down EU pressures
• The EU’s non-standard exogenous pressures and the EU’s legitimacy
• Rise of skepticism in the Turkish political elite towards EU membership
• The EU’s conditional impact on Turkey and “world society”
• EU’s authority in its periphery and EU’s global legitimacy
• Different paths of Europeanization
• Variation in scope and direction in Europeanization of Justice and Home Affair policies in Turkey?
• EU Effect on Turkish Public Administration
• Europeanisation, Region and Regional Development in Turkey

The Department of Political Science at the University of Tübingen is seeking to fill two positions as

Research Fellows (part time 60%, salary on scale TV-L 13)

to work in a project on the securitisation of climate change. The envisaged start date of the project is 1 October 2012 for a duration of 36 months. The project will examine the political processes of the representation of climate change in four case studies (Germany, Mexico, Turkey, USA). Applicants will

• Have completed their MA with excellent marks by the start date of the project;
• Be able to demonstrate excellent knowledge of IR Theory and in particular the debate about the changing concept of security;
• Be interested in environmental politics;
• Be fluent in English and have excellent working knowledge in German as well as Spanish or Turkish;
• Be able to integrate into a functioning team.

Experience in project organisation as well as discourse analysis will be an advantage. Successful applicants will be expected to pursue a PhD at the Department of Political Science during the duration of the project.

If you are interested, please send your application by email to thomas.diez(at)uni-tuebingen.de.You should attach the following documents as PDF:

• Current CV
• Degree certificates
• Transcripts
• Contact details of two potential referees
• A motivation letter of max. 1 page.

The deadline for applications is 18 May 2012. Interviews will probably take place on 29 June 2012. Unfortunately, the University cannot normally reimburse travel expenses for interviews, but interviews may be possible via videolink.

The University of Tübingen is an equal opportunities employer.

For further information, contact Thomas Diez at the email address given above.

The below documents explicate Ankara’s criteria for reaching an agreement concerning the issues of minorities, non-Turkish residents, the Straits, the borders and economic status of the new Turkish state. It is remarkable that the terms put forward in 1921 were mainly similar to the terms agreed in the Lausanne treaty. This implies the fact that most of the terms agreed in Lausanne had previously been drafted by Ankara during the war and Turks became successful in forcing the inclusion of these conditions in the founding treaty of the new Republic. Mr. Toynbee, in the below documents, however highlights the possibility of Ankara to give concessions in certain domains. For instance, it is argued that Ankara might accept the Midia-Enez line as new Turkey’s European border. Mr. Toynbee also talks about the possibility for Ankara to give ‘slight’ concessions of Ottoman territory further east to Republic of Russian Armenia.

Reference: FO 371/6531

The Balkans Peace Program (BPP) Summer 2012: Post-Conflict Development in Kosovo is an educational program that will provide students enrolled in a university outside of Kosovo and the region with the opportunity to spend about three weeks in Kosovo studying and learning about development in practice in a post-conflict area right in the middle of Europe. Participants of the program will also visit three other Balkans countries, Albania, Macedonia, and Montenegro.   

For a detailed information about the programme: http://www.bislimi.org/balkansprogram.htm

The program will consist of three key components:

1. one academic course (of 7 ECTS credits, 0.5 Canadian credits, 3.0 American credits) on the Politics and Development of the Balkans and meetings with government officials in Kosovo and other capitals in the region;

2. a tour of historic and tourist sites of Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia (including two days of beach activities on the shores of the Adriatic Sea);

3. cultural immersion  – students will be staying with local host families so as to learn about the Albanian culture, traditions, and hospitality in Kosovo. 

The program takes place from 27 May to 17 June 2012. Participants will be staying with local host families in Gjilan, the fourth largest city in Kosovo, with a population of about 120,000, located on the southeast corner of Kosovo, some 45 km southeast of Prishtina, the capital.

Application deadline:                 11 May 2012

Apply early. There is a limited number of participants that will be offered a place in the program. This number may be reached before the deadline. 

Cost:                                        950.00 EUR per person

Included: program costs, living with a host family, full room and board, all program activities, tours, accommodation and meals while on program tours. Not included: transportation cost from your country of origin to Kosovo.

Grants/Scholarships:                 The Bislimi Group Foundation has a small amount of funds available for this program that will be used to offset, at least partially (up to 350 Eur), the program cost for a select number of participants on a need-basis. Please note your request to be considered for a grant in your application letter.

How to apply:                           Submit your complete BPP Summer 2012 Program Application via email to bpp@bislimi.org              
A complete application consists of:
- a complete CV / Resume;
- a cover letter explaining your interest in the program and/or the area;
- a copy of your college / university transcript (only if you are requesting financial support). Unofficial transcripts issued to the student are acceptable;
- a certificate of enrolment / student status.  

Eligibility:                                  To be eligible for the program, you must:
- be a currently enrolled student in good standing (at the undergrad or grad level) at a recognized institution in your home country
- be between the age of 18 and 30
- possess a valid passport for travel to Kosovo and the area
- possess valid health insurance for the duration of your stay in Kosovo and the region

Somalian researcher

email: abdihakim.aynte@gmail.com

Abdihakim Aynte is currently the president of Somali Forum for Progress, an independent think-tank initiative based in Mogadishu, Somalia.

In what seems to be an extraordinary shift in its involvement in Africa, Turkey is fast becoming an ally – and international actor – in Somalia’s theater. Lately, Ankara has shown an increasing interest and willingness to intervene to the devastating situation caused by the acute drought, complicated by terrorism and statelessness in Somalia. In the midst of biblical famine that starved millions of Somalis to death, Turkey was the first country to unilaterally respond to the drought, while traditional donors for Somalia were unable and unwilling to provide more than a fleeting aid package. There are, perhaps, three essential factors that can be attributed to Ankara’s principled approach to Somalia: Moral authority that defines Ankara’s Islamic values; business opportunity that makes Turkey a raising global economic competitor and geo-strategic vision that is part of Ankara’s global roundabout ambition – a roundabout of different ideas, cultural, business, people and innovation.

For two decades, Somalia has been plagued by continuous warfare, recurrent humanitarian disasters, terrorism, and statelessness. The international community, for its discredit, has been reconfiguring Somalia’s solution for the last two decades, but never succeeded one. The latest pact of such an attempt was just concluded in London, where 50 head of international states, including Turkey, assembled in a one day conference orchestrated by British government, to reset a fresh tone on Somalia. To top it off, Somalia is fragmented into a multitude of ethnic lines with plenty of transitional governments that are internally paralyzed by stalemates and political bickering. The country is lacking strong central government since the fall of Siyad Barre regime, and the infrastructure is almost totally collapsed.

In a polemic essay by Erdoğan at Foreign Policy after his trip to Mogadishu, he mildly slammed the international community for their mortal failure in Somalia, letting the country become its own drama that is going to nowhere. Contrast to that view, Turkey has strenuously – and more modestly – approached the crisis in Somalia, rather than promises and plans as other donors did, and made significant inroads that were not seen before. Turkey, at the crossroad of civilizations between East and West, has put itself forward as a fellow Muslim nation who, unlike other Muslim countries, cares about what happens in Somalia partly because of the religious and historical ties.

Historic Visit, Galvanizing Somalia

When Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was visiting Mogadishu on Friday 19 August 2011 in a well remembered visit, most of the cheering crowds who waited for him at the airport barely knew who Erdoğan was, but recognized his face through the posters of Erdoğan that were pitched all over the Adden Airport.  This is a gentle reminder of how ordinary Somalis are alienated towards foreign leaders and disconnected from technology.

The visit marked an important mission as Erdoğan was the first leader to brave into Mogadishu, arguably among the most dangerous cities over the past two decades, whilst most of the international donors are on the periphery capably unable to make more than a fleeting visit.  Erdoğan’s visit also marked an awkward position within the so called “international community.” Ankara is unilaterally taking a risk in Somalia, a country that has been dismally bungled by outsiders, and driven upon its moral authority rather than its superior mighty.

Moreover, after his meeting with President Shiekh Sharif at Villa Somalia, Erdoğan immediately instructed the Turkish embassy in Mogadishu for the first time in 20 years, to assign a new ambassador who submitted his credentials on the same day as a subtle proof of Ankara’s urgency on its local representative. In the days that followed Erdoğan’s visit, Turkey alone pledged 250 million USD in humanitarian relief assistance. The magnitude of the Somalian tragedy – that the UN estimated as 3.2 million people who are in a dire situation – deserved an enormous international consolidation appeal.

Prior to his visit, Erdoğan’s picture – or Turkish’s flag – became commonly visible throughout Mogadishu. By most measures, the visit was symbolically historic: it coincided with holy Ramadan, red carpet and honor guards and gun sluts were set out for Erdoğan – the first gesture in 20 years seen by Somalis. Erdoğan defied the UN categorization of Mogadishu as an unsafe and no-go-zone. In nutshell, his visit warmed the hearts and the minds of many proud Somalis, both inside and outside, who infatuated Erdoğan’s trip as, in their own words, “Somali’s only true Muslim friend”.

What made Erdoğan’s visit to Somalia particularly a groundbreaking is that, unlike other visitors, who routinely make brief appearances on the ground, typically confined to military bases; Erdoğan drove into the city, toured around refugee camps, took pictures with underfed kids, – a motion even Ban ki Moon, UN’s Secretary who visited Somalia after Erdoğan, failed to show, and galvanized the whole plight of Somalia.

Historic Ties, Fellow Muslim Nation

Practically, Turkey’s most recent involvement in Somalia can be linked to its 2010′s conference on Somali business communities in Istanbul. Before the summit, Ankara’s interest in Somalia was quite marginal. Turkish interest in Somalia, however, is not new. Both countries have historic relations that dates way back to the Ottoman Empire. Somalia had an extensive relationship with the Ottoman Empire during the Sultan Selim rule in 1517. In the most recent history, Turkey helped Somalia during the US led operation called Operation Restore Hope, also infamously known as Black Hawk Down Operation, and had sent battalion of Turkish army under the auspices of the UN and reestablished cultural and educational facilities in Mogadishu. Turkey’s contingent used to distribute milks, food and beverages to schools and madrasas in Somalia, a sign of maintaining its old relations with Somalis. Through the years, Turkey, the only Muslim member in NATO, and Somalia has maintained a cozy relationship.

Prime Minister Erdoğan’s decision to bring his wife Emine, and five key ministries with limited security detail to visit Mogadishu, days after al-Shabab was driven out of Mogadishu city, gave unprecedented validity to the Turkish efforts and reinforced the popular theory that Turkey is distinctly – and uniquely – a reliable fellow Muslim nation that can elevate global awareness on Somali’s plight. Turkey’s principled approached helped to create an atmosphere of mutual confidence between Somalis and Turkish as whole.

Not everyone is happy about Turkey’s new engagement in Somalia as critics differ on Turkey’s involvement. In one camp’s view is that Ankara’s modern engagement in Africa amounts to reviving the “neo-Ottoman” heritage that has profound root in Somalia. Another critic, but perhaps more incendiary, accuses Turkish government for naively pumping direct cash to Somalia government, who is widely considered as a bunch of syndicate corrupted officials. Ankara, for its own good, has undermined this allegation and extensively nurtured its relations with Mogadishu.

Making Difference     

The policies towards Somalia have focused on alleviating the situation for those affected by the drought. But with thousands of IDPs (please indicate the long version) coming to Mogadishu and with a will to reflect more than the short term possibilities of saving lives, Turkey has also noticed “that you cannot sustain Somalia by simply providing food and medicine.” To this end, Turkey has expressed desire to participate and contribute to initiatives that are aimed at rebuilding the country. In this commitment, Turkey has launched a bilateral support for Somali by providing aid in critical sectors like health, education, roads, garbage storage facilities, sanitary system, airports and more importantly, building Somali national army. “The ultimate aim of these projects are institutional building and make Somalia self-sufficient”, said Mr. Bekir Bozdağ, Turkish deputy prime minister who was also visiting Mogadishu last week to announce Turkish flights. More compassionately, Turkey is available for free medical support to those effected October 4, 2011, heinous attack in Mogadishu which sadly claimed the lives of some 100 students, lined up for scholarship exams to Turkey. Shortly after the attack, Turkey dispatched an emergency plane to carry the victims to Turkey for specialized medical treatment.

The Turkish role in Somalia has grown consistently since last Augusts’ visit. A development office was established in Mogadishu, with the effect that both the Turkish government and its non-governmental organizations can fearlessly arrive in Mogadishu – a city that even the Nairobi crowed UN agencies have categorized as no-go-zone since the civil war. Moreover, two new offices, one in Puntland and one in Somaliland, are to be opened within a short period of time. Furthermore, Turkish Airlines have introduced a regular flight – twice a week – to Mogadishu via Sudan, a clear indication that Turkey is open for business opportunities. From Turkey’s perspective, a stable, viable and reliable ally in the Horn of Africa, preferably Muslim nation, is critically important with economic calculations.

In Somalia, Turkey is rebuilding the social fabrics by reconstructing roads, airports, hospitals for Somali peoples’ wellbeing and paving the way for political resettlement. The list of some projects that Turkey is doing in Somalia is encouraging: up to 1000 students have been granted full scholarships in different fields in Turkey, schools that teaches Turkish language have open up, Turkish Red Crescent feeds up to 15,000 IDPs, a major hospital and outpatient clinic have been reconstructed which benefiting nearly three million Somalis coming from Mogadishu and other remote areas. The net effect of Turkey’s contribution to the impoverished country of Somalia is mind-boggling.  For the first time in two decades, Somalia is receiving global attention that might make a difference for the better.

New Ally and Mediator

Lately, there have also been reports that Turkey has been clandestinely establishing some line of communication between al-Shabaab, an Islamist organization that paid allegiance to al-Qeada, and Transitional Federal Government (TFG). This underscores Turkey’s ability to play a larger diplomatic role in the mediation process. To be sure, Turkey has notable advantages in mediation, including its historical connection to Somalia, notwithstanding its shared Islamic values and its lack of local proxies or other incentives to meddle in the internal politics. In addition, Mr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkish foreign minister recently outlined Turkey’s interest in meditating between the conflicting parties in Somalia and asserted that “despite our advantage and special relation with Somalis of all stripes, Turkey would play a role in mediating conflicting parties in Somalia.”

In light of this unorthodox approach to Somalia, what possibilities does the Turkish engagement show for long term positive development in the country? Could Turkish engagement prove to be the catalyst for nation building that is much needed in this fragmented country? The method with which Ankara is approaching Somalia is undoubtedly one to envy. It screams of pragmatism, of hope, of a country that dares to aim for development before the outcome of the political unrest is settled. If implemented properly, public goods, such as garbage cleaning, may not only help Mogadishu to become a cleaner environment but could also provide a fruitful basis for cooperation between the districts in Mogadishu and their respective leaders. Similar actions have previously shown to provide a good basis for conflict prevention in other parts of the world.

Needless to say, Turkey has aptly proved to be a capable of delivering what many international donors failed to deliver in 20 years – relief, rebuilding and resettlement. A major question in the backdrop of the London conference is what will happen now that many other countries possibly also want to take part in Somali development? While Turkey has a long history of approaching the EU, and is possibly aiming to become a member state in the relative close future, Turkish actions in the recent past shows that it will not bend its position just to satisfy the wishes of major EU powers. In order to avert possible clashes of interests between Turkey and other stakeholders, which is likely, there is a need for donor cooperation. The future of the Somali state building process needs “donor stability”. In this process, Turkey should be the go-to actor for international actors interested in the aspects of development where Turkey has already made significant difference.

It is increasingly apparent that Turkey’s expressed interest in Somalia is far more than mere lip service to score extra credit in relation to a possible EU membership. In the future of Somali’s state building, Turkey should play an active role, benefiting from the trust it has gained amongst Somalis and its exceptional position of being a Muslim fellow. The international community, for its part, should recognize Turkey for its humanitarian model in Somalia. Here it remains to be seen to what degree other nations will be willing and able to cooperate with Turkey’s relentless efforts, and to what degree Turkey will feel that other nations intervene in their territory.

Warwick Manufacturing Group will be awarding a number of Bursaries for students enrolled in the  full-time MSc. programmes at the University of Warwick.

If you are deemed to be a Turkish National for fee purposes then you will be automatically awarded the tuition fee bursary. There is no need to apply for this award and there is no deadline, they will be given to all eligible offer holders.

Awards available: 40

Funding Details: £3000- £5000 awards available, Partial Tuition Fee Award

Length of Award: 1 year (Masters)

Eligibility: Due to funding restrictions, only Turkish Nationals are eligible with a GPA above 2.7.

Application Details: No application necessary, bursary is awarded according to GPA.

Full details about the award can be found at:

www.warwick.ac.uk/go/wmgmasters/finance